The Swiss Army remains in the headlines. Plans to increase the budget to restore defense capabilities are being stalled, while national-conservative forces undermine institutional credibility. In an exclusive article for finews.com, military expert Beat Wittmann reveals how the Federal Department of Finance fabricated the myth of a «missing plan.»
Switzerland does not have a combat-ready army, thereby jeopardizing national security – a constitutional mandate – through the inaction of the Federal Council and Parliament. For three decades, successive center-right governments and parliamentary majorities have systematically underfunded the military, showing neither political will nor concrete actions to ensure national sovereignty through credible defense.
On the contrary: after an unholy alliance of FDP and SVP in the Federal Council, alongside the national-conservative domestic editorial board of the liberal «Neue Zürcher Zeitung» and the SVP leadership convening in Bad Horn, managed to wear down Defense Minister Viola Amherd, they now aim to push out Army Chief Thomas Süssli as well.
Both Accusations Are False
For the second time since spring 2024, an attempt is underway to oust Army Chief Lieutenant General Thomas Süssli. The narrative is clear: Süssli allegedly overstepped by publicly exposing the army’s lack of defense capability and by failing to manage key projects. Both accusations are false.
One central element of the systematic and coordinated discrediting of the Federal Department of Defense, Civil Protection, and Sport (DDPS), its minister, the army, and its chief is the myth of a «budget increase without a plan,» which the FDF constructed. In the 2024 Army Message draft, a detailed breakdown showed why the military needs 23 billion francs by 2035. However, the FDP-SVP duo in the Federal Council removed this passage from the resolution, enabling them to falsely claim that the army lacks a plan for additional funds.
A Reckless Power Struggle
Amid an escalating geopolitical crisis following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, which destabilized Europe’s security architecture, Switzerland engaged in a reckless internal power struggle. The issue is not national security but control over Federal Council seats, party interests, department power struggles, and national-conservative ideologies concerning debt brakes and neutrality.
The army urgently requires a budget increase to at least 2 percent of GDP to equip and modernize existing units while closing critical capability gaps. Additionally, the DDPS must deepen its cooperation with NATO, as Switzerland’s military cannot function in isolation under current circumstances.
«What Must Not Be, Cannot Be»
Both efforts face fierce opposition within the Federal Council. The FDP refuses to budget meaningful military spending increases, while the SVP champions Switzerland’s isolationism. To this end, the SVP has launched a «neutrality initiative» aimed at fostering public opposition to necessary defense cooperation with Western allies.
Despite having a clear plan, the FDP-SVP alliance operates on the principle: «What must not be, cannot be.» This denial extends to both the assessment of Europe’s security threats and the army’s urgent warnings. The so-called «Black Book» – officially titled «Vision and Strategy for the Future Army» – has been entirely ignored by policymakers.
«Black Book» as a Mere Wish List
The Federal Council insists on treating the Army Chief as nothing more than a uniformed bureaucrat and his «Black Book» as an unrealistic wish list. Ultimately, the Federal Council has the final say, asserting its authority over military leadership.
The 2024 Army Message was intended to reinforce and expand upon the «Black Book.» The military developed three scenarios for long-term strategic planning, marking the first time a structured debate on Switzerland’s defense capabilities could have taken place.
Key Budget Details Stripped
While both the Federal Council and Parliament initially approved key strategic benchmarks, the FDF ensured through an internal report that the DDPS’s detailed implementation plan was erased.
The DDPS had sought to include a comprehensive cost breakdown in the Army Message, outlining the steps necessary to restore defense capabilities. However, at its February 14, 2024, session, the Federal Council removed the specific article detailing the planned 23 billion francs investment until 2035 from the final resolution.
finews.com has obtained the draft of the 2024 Army Message and can substantiate these manipulations:
Excerpt from the draft of the Federal Decree on the key parameters for the orientation of the army until 2035
(Click on the image to enlarge)
- Evidence: The DDPS had a concrete plan – but it was deliberately erased by the Federal Council, only for officials to later claim that no plan existed.
Visionary Plan Rejected
The DDPS’s proposal, presented to the Federal Council nearly a year ago, went beyond the «Black Book.» It also accounted for the slower-than-expected growth in military funding.
Contrary to the 2022 parliamentary decision, the defense budget was set to reach 1% of GDP only by 2035 instead of 2030. Additionally, the Federal Council was to consider overall budget constraints when discussing military commitments.
Amherd’s Stark Warning
Upon her resignation, Defense Minister Viola Amherd issued an unusually blunt statement: «The increasing polarization, growing hostility in political discourse, and the pursuit of narrow partisan interests through sheer power politics are becoming a serious challenge for our institutions, our democratic system, and Swiss values.»
In light of these manipulations, her words take on an even deeper significance.
Beat Wittmann served for many years as a lieutenant colonel in the Swiss Military Intelligence Service at Army Headquarters in Bern.
Professionally, he has been Chairman and Partner at Zurich-based financial advisory firm Porta Advisors for over eight years. The Grisons native has more than 30 years of experience in Swiss banking, including positions at UBS, Credit Suisse, Clariden Leu, and Julius Bär. Between 2009 and 2015, he worked independently and later for the Swiss Raiffeisen Group in asset management.
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